Climate Change is Jewish Physics

It goes with the territory. Fascist leaders are convinced they are always right and therefore empowered to make correct judgments about anything that comes their way. For Hitler that meant denial of most of 20th century physics, especially relativity and quantum mechanics, as Jewish physics. There was a direct line from that to the Germans’ inability to mount any significant challenge to allied development of nuclear weapons. In the end the Germans were defeated without such weapons, but it was only a matter of luck that it happened in time. Hitler defeated the entire German war machine, because he was always right.

The parallels to climate change are exact. Climate change is real, and the technological underpinning for the rest of the world is being built about combatting it. We’re either part of that future or we’re not. It affects not only how energy is generated and distributed but also how major applications use it. We sit around talking about how to “win” our competition with China when we have ceded all of that to them.

In our own power network the situation is beyond ridiculous. The many new mega-datacenters demand vast increases in electrical power to run them. We could use that opportunity to upgrade our (outdated and insecure) electrical infrastructure nationwide in a way that would serve the datacenters, the public, and the evolution to new energy sources. That would buy benefits for the datacenters themselves, and would certainly improve public attitudes about their construction–and that’s in addition to the benefits as we address climate change and new energy sources come online. (See what China is doing here.) In fact we have refused to do any such thing, leaving the implementation as a bunch of point solutions based primarily on fossil fuels and an outright prohibition on wind and solar. When you’re never wrong, there’s no limit to the damage.

We the human race may or may not succeed in avoiding real climate disaster, but any successes we achieve will be despite Trump’s sabotage. Whatever international order comes out of it all will reflect the interests of those who build it. And the status of the US will recognize that Trump’s sabotage was in literal terms a crime against humanity.

We’re Betting Everything Against Climate Change

The takeover of Venezuela has made us a colonial power. Trump is now the dictator of Venezuela for the indefinite future. It has also led to new rhetorical heights about spheres of influence and how we should be able to use our superpower status to take whatever we want from anyone. So seizing Greenland from a NATO member is our perogative by right.

We’re telling all nations of the Americas that their independence is only for as long as we like it. Outside the Americas we’re threatening NATO’s existence by seizing territory. More generally we’re legitimizing the use of military force by anyone with the power to do it. History shows where that goes.

And what we’re getting for all that is oil. Oil that for the most part is not going to become available without billions of dollars of investment and years of development. Even without climate change that’s a shaky prospect; with the reality of climate change it’s nuts.

Climate change denial is not just a matter of sabotaging the Paris agreement and killing research funding.; it’s fundamental to everything they do. The rest of the world is continuing without us. It has to, since there is no other choice. China may be a dictatorship, but it values competence. Europe has kept its act together despite US pressure. Others are already seeing climate impacts. We’re off in our very own never-never land farther and farther from reality.

We’re going nowhere. The only question is whose sphere of influence gets us.

Jobs per Dollar

As an indication of where the economy is going, someone should calculate permanent jobs created per dollar of capital expenditure for all the new datacenter construction.  That’s probably a new low for expenditures of this magnitude.  It’s more complicated to predict the effect on jobs in the rest of the economy, but that’s most probably negative.

It’s hard for me to think this doesn’t say something about the world we’re going toward.  It’s not so much that there will be a shortage of jobs overall as of good jobs.  What is it that we are going to use to bargain with employers?  Traditional education is about knowledge and capability.  In our familiar world it takes years to put together the package that an employable person represents, and there are many distinct niches that need to be filled.  In the new world, knowledge is more readily accessible, the capabilities required are more generic, and staffing levels may be reduced by efficiencies.  We’re only beginning to see how that will shake out.

As we noted last time, the private sector is not good at managing effects of radical change—on people and on the environment.  On the other hand, we’re talking about really significant productivity improvements, so in principle that should be a good thing.  But that’s not going to happen by itself. It sure didn’t happen at the start of the industrial revolution—for most of humanity that meant misery and war.

In this anniversary of the American Revolution there is a relevant quote from the signing of the Declaration of Independence: “We must, indeed, all hang together, or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately.”  That’s now true worldwide.  In this time of economic ferment, climate change, and nuclear weapons we had better learn to work together for global well-being or there may be nothing left at all.

The Real Deal on Rare Earths

The subject of “rare earths” is everywhere—now that Trump has discovered that not everyone he bullies backs down. (Like most bullies he clearly never thought of risks beforehand.)  But it is shocking how much of the discussion is both wrong and wrong-headed.

Let’s start with what’s wrong.  First of all, the set of rare earths includes 17 chemical elements that share some chemical properties, but whose significance is individual not collective.  Particular elements are important in particular ways.  Availability and processing requirements are not the same either.  So if Trump announces that we’re going to get rare earths from, say, Ukraine that may be relevant to an important issue or it may not be.  Similarly when someone announces with fanfare that we’re going to start processing rare earths somewhere outside of China, that may or may not have any importance at all—depending on what it is.

All that sounds like we need a lot of new information that would be hard to track down, but actually that’s not true.  There is an excellent, widely-available report from an unbiased source that goes right down the line on everything you would like to know.  And the answer is that there is nothing we are doing that is going to change China’s leverage any time soon (measured in years of course).  And that’s the news about rare earths. 

Wrong-headed is a different issue.  The important thing to realize is that the rare earth problem is NOT one-of-a-kind.  The rare earth problem is what happens when you don’t plan ahead for what the world is going to look like in the future.  There are two changes that made this problem happen:

  • The technology environment changed, so that suddenly these elements went from exotic to strategic.
  • The political environment changed to one of economic war with everyone, so that the US suddenly has to become economically independent of everyone whose arms it can’t twist. There is a strategic question with China, but we forced this issue by declaring war.

The impact of item one is only going to get worse.  Trump is preoccupied with the past (e.g. the 1950’s) not the future, so all kinds of necessary technologies won’t be here. He has done all he can to kill funding for future-oriented research at NIH and universities.  His climate denial has ceded leadership in all the (many) sustainable energy technologies to China.  His anti-trust policies favor existing large companies over new entrants.  He even told the troops on the aircraft carrier he visited that they should be happy it still used steam pressure to launch planes instead of the newer electronic system on the (single) new Chinese carrier.  We can count on being behind the eight-ball for the foreseeable future, and it’s going to be hard to reassemble the infrastructure to catch up.

On item two we have only begun to appreciate what it means to be at economic war with everyone.  We’re still in an environment where the US has many historical mutually-advantageous relationships with partners.  We benefit as participants in a common enterprise.  All such partners now find they are under attack.  Trump relies upon factors such as NATO membership and US market size to coerce other countries to do his bidding.  Neither form of coercion is permanent, as everyone can see that even Canada is under attack.  Resources and support come into question.  Whether we like it or not, allies are important.  And that’s not just a military matter.  It’s a basis of our economic strength and our standard of living.

Rare earths are no one-of-a-kind deal.  They’re a bellwether for our future.  

Things Aren’t Okay—We’ve Been Here Before

It strikes me that comparisons of Trump with other would-be dictators are actually a distraction from a more important historical parallel.  Unless we can stop it, we seem hell-bent on replaying the 1930’s with even more at stake.

This isn’t just an economic story; it’s a story of response to worldwide crisis.  When the US stock market collapsed in 1929, it wasn’t inevitable that the entire world would move to disastrous depression and then war.  That it did so was a failure of national and global governance.  We humans did it to ourselves.

There’s a problem with human psychology.  When something bad happens, we pull in and defend what we’ve got.  In societies, that means in downturns those on top focus on defending themselves (e.g. with austerity) from what they see as the moral failings of the rest.  That’s why countercyclical policies are so hard to do—they’re the last thing ruling classes want to see. However austerity itself breeds more declines and a vicious cycle to the bottom.  In international relations the corresponding phenomenon is xenophobic retrenchment in a cycle of increasing grievance, paranoia, and hostility.  All that matters is to make sure you end up on top.

That’s pretty much what happened in the 1930’s. It drove the world to economic disaster and then World War II. (World War I contributed, but dire times in Germany elected Hitler.) The post-WWII institutions—whatever their shortcomings—were an attempt to prevent it all from happening again.  They gave us an unprecedented period of worldwide economic growth.  Even with the 2008 crash the US and China basically cooperated in keeping the world economy afloat.  But we’re a long way from that now—all we hear about is being on top.

We haven’t had 1929-style crash, but there are problems that can’t be papered-over. Even before the current AI explosion, technology change was making working populations obsolete far faster than governments could cope. In the West there is nostalgia for a simpler, somewhat-mythical past—a fertile ground for anyone willing to lie about recreating that past and to blame others (elites, immigrants, other countries) for lost status and security.  For the East and global south it is a time to get even with past oppressors.  It’s a hard time for global action when everyone is looking to get ahead in a hostile world. As many have noted, Trump’s high tariffs recall the Smoot-Hawley tariffs of 1930.  Those tarrifs should be recognized as a sign of danger above and beyond the immediate damage that they do.

In addition we’ve got something new.  Climate change is an existential threat to everyone, but a hard sell for real action.  It requires real money in the present to prevent locked-in damage in the future.  It’s all too easy to claim it’s all unnecessary or can be put off to some unspecified future—with immediate benefits as a sweetener.  The US may win prizes for foolhardiness (no real businessman would tell his investors that no risk contingencies are needed because of his personal genius and intuition), but there are few countries whose expenditures match the danger or even the Paris agreement objectives.  No one can be beyond the risks of climate change, but with Trump’s incessant hawking of US fossil fuels we’re sure are trying to believe we’re special—like the 1930’s rich people who couldn’t be bothered with the problems of the depraved poor.

Given that, what is the world working on today?

  • It’s certainly not working toward global governance and not effectively working on climate change.
  • It’s not working on political stability, since the UN is now extraneous to most of what is going on.
  • It’s not working on peace (despite Trump’s many claims), since the most basic rule of the post-war system—that countries shouldn’t invade each other—has pretty much fallen by the wayside.  It was never fully obeyed, clearly not even by us, but we’re now in new territory.  Russia is making no apologies in Ukraine, and the same is true for the US in Venezuela. If anything the new stated mantra is about spheres of influence where the strong have a right to do what they want to the weak.
  • However there is one thing that the world IS definitely working on:  a desperate competition for dominance in artificial intelligence, and that is serious enough for a discussion of its own.

Where is AI taking us?

  • Since AI has both military and economic consequences, this amounts to a full-scale arms race.
  • The money spent on data centers is phenomenal even compared with total investment in the participating countries.
  • As such, it drains resources that would otherwise be used to the benefit of the population, accelerating the disaffection noted earlier.
  • Its massive energy use accelerates the timetable for climate change (and takes money from climate-oriented activities). In this country of course wind and solar contributions are banned.
  • Most importantly its objective—Artificial General Intelligence, basically surpassing human capabilities for reasoning—is ill-defined, and the work to get there is hard to predict.
  • Because of the huge level of debt financing, it raises the specter of financial collapse if gains don’t match revenue expectations in predicted timeframes.
  • Even more dangerous, the military consequences are considered so important that the arms race threatens to become more and more serious, with competitive positions extremely difficult to assess—raising risks of instability and preemptive war.

The story is not exactly the same as the 1930’s, but the parallels are too clear to ignore.  We’re not addressing the festering problems, and we’ve created new opportunities for economic collapse and unimaginable war.  That isn’t okay.

We, the human race, can’t aford to fail as we did last time.

I’m not going to propose any simple answer, but there a few things worth saying.

  • I believe that climate can be a model for international cooperation, because it is a true common problem that can only be effectively solved if everyone benefits.  We have a lot to walk back, since Trump killed the original Paris Agreement unanimity, but we have to do it.  The US had a big role then, and needs to play a big role now.
  • The best way to address a full-blown arms race is to diminish the incentive to use them.  The world needs a workable notion of fair trade that will allow all countries to succeed.  We were a lot closer to that than self-interested propaganda would have people believe.  The test for success is shared prosperity, including labor standards and environmental protections.
  • The biggest barrier to that endeavor is how prosperity reaches national populations—obviously a problem today even in developed economies.  Ruling elites everywhere want a big share and have many means to get it.  What’s more AI will make the problem even more pressing, since future job losses can destabilize any progress. Maybe trade groups such as the EU can stand as models, where considerable national autonomy has been ceded in exchange for what has been a very large gain for all. That may sound strange but in fact the US only got going when the states gave up part of their independence for the Constitution, and the EU has managed to unite age-old enemies for something better than war.

Obviously none of this is going to happen tomorrow.  But unless we do something, we can see all too well how this story can end.

Trump’s Tariffs are a Dry Run for the World’s Future

As the Trump administration ramps up its efforts to sabotage climate action, we have to think about what that means.  There is only one atmosphere, and the consequences of climate change are becoming ever more obvious.  Our policies are not just putting the US at risk, we’re putting everyone at risk.

So it is only a matter of time before the rest of the world will have to react.  The US has become not just a rogue state but a criminally insane one.  The only reasonable action is a global embargo.  The US has to be treated as a matter for quarantine.

Fortunately for the rest of the world, Trump is providing an excellent transitional strategy.  As exports to the US become subject to draconian and unpredictable risks, the world has a chance to live without us. The supposed lifeline we’re throwing to the rest of the world is actually worthless—building factories in the US just increases the exposure to Trump’s whims, and further the fossil-fuel-privileged industries of the US (e.g. cars) will have little future elsewhere.

There is a remarkable consistency in US policy—we are doing everything we can to turn ourselves from a world power into an afterthought.  That’s not just the tariffs, it’s the attacks on education, healthcare, and forward-looking research.  The demonizing of all immigrants. It’s amazing what dreams of past imperial greatness can do.

Maybe it’s in part an Anglo-Saxon thing.  The parallels with Britain are close, although our fall is much greater.  Brexit was Britain’s effort to restore its nineteenth century dominance by withdrawing from cooperation with the EU.  The result was an instantaneous economic downturn that took about five years for the population to understand.  There may well be no way back—with more Farage populism in the offing, the downward spiral could continue.

We voted for Trump to bring back the glories of the post-war fifties.  He has promised to make everyone rich by shaking down the rest of the world.  With tariffs, we are in essence doing our own Brexit with everyone else. Whatever the evangelicals may believe, there is no God protecting us from folly.

Do We Neeed More Proof that Dictators are Bad for the Economy?

When dictators make bad decisions no one can stop them. Here are a few:

  • Trump likes oil, so we’re doing everything possible to push fossil fuels in the economy, and eliminating anything to support sustainable energy.   We are even so petty as to take out installed car charging stations for government employees.  So we’ve pegged our economy and everything in it to fossil fuels, a future that is going away–not tomorrow but necessarily soon, whether we like it or not.  We’re not just a non-player in the coming economy (presumably the US auto manufacturers will be lucky if they’re picked up–instead of closed down–by the dominant Chinese players), we’re tying a weight around the neck of all our industrial production.
  • We’re killing any kind of government supported research.  We have made ourselves non-players in anything beyond current mainstream production.  If you ask business leaders how much basic research is done by the private sector they will tell you the answer is pretty much none.  Business deals with current and coming product.  We as a country will no longer be inventing the future.  We can ask the Chinese for help when we need it.
  • We have decided there is no need for competence in government employees.  Instead for the entire federal government all that matters in loyalty.  There are no more real government jobs—just political appointees.  If these are the rules of the game, there will be no more competence or help from Washington.  If you don’t think that matters you should look at the mess today.  That’s the tiniest piece of what is coming.
  • We have decided to convert all of our alliances to protection rackets.  Unfortunately we’re not the only game in town.  We have opponents in China and Russia.  They, not us, have understood there is strength in numbers.  We have given them an enormous present with no positives in return.  For Russia we have even descended to flattery.
  • Our now to be jettisoned international order was established to provide stability and reduce the danger of war. It wasn’t perfect but it gave us many years of growth and peace. The danger to growth has been much talked about, but the danger to peace less so. In this new era of every land for itself, all efforts to manage nuclear proliferation are now out the window. On the contrary, every country had better get its own nuclear weapons fast–or be prepared to face defeat. In our glorification of selfish greed we’re stupidly asking for disaster.

Many people have figured out these are mistakes.  But as long as this dictatorship continues, we as a nation we have no way to fix it.

Urgent Messages

1.  From the Olympics

In the opening and closing ceremonies at the Olympics many speakers, notably IOC President Thomas Bach, pointed out the importance of the Olympics as a symbol of what can be possible when all countries of the world to come together in peace.  That sounds nice, but it’s probably more apt to think about what happened with the original version of the Olympics, which persisted for quite some time. That message is not so rosy.

The original Olympics functioned even more as a symbol of peace, because there was an actual truce during the Olympic period.  But the overall lesson of the Olympic experience was that good feelings are not enough.  The Olympics did not prevent the horrendously bloody and unnecessary Peloponnesian War, fought between prime participants Athens and Sparta. 

Symbols aren’t enough.  If we don’t work at peace, it won’t happen.  There are more than enough parallels of that past with the current situation between the US and China.  If you want peace you need to remove reasons for war.

2.  From the fires and floods worldwide:

Messaging about effects of climate change has been more than a little confused.   We read about how front-line communities will bear the worst of climate issues (true enough but that makes it someone else’s problem).  We see maps of how different countries or regions will be better or worse off.  The NYTimes once had an article asking readers to plug in numbers to see if they were rich enough to escape the worst.  The most frequent objection to the Paris Accords is that we need to go back and renegotiate a better deal.

Nature is telling us something else.  We’re all in this together, and there is nowhere to hide.  Scientists have correctly indicated the directions of change.  But the world has never been here before, so it’s impossible to predict every bad thing that is going happen and where.

What’s more, carbon dioxide just accumulates in the atmosphere, so climate effects are going to continue getting worse until we can stop burning fossil fuels.  There will be more and more unexpected phenomena with more and more damaging results.   All the talk of taking CO2 out of the atmosphere is not going to produce results any time soon (and even if it works will itself take monumental amounts of energy).  So there’s only one answer—migrating the world’s energy requirements to sustainable sources.

This has to happen worldwide and we have to work together.  It may be contrary to all of our normal modes of behavior, but if we don’t all win we’re going to lose.

In the end the two messages are largely the same. We’ve fought two world wars, and now we’ve now got a third one against climate change. We have to learn how to behave when we’re all–unavoidably–on the same side.